Banality of Death

PERSPECTIVES OF DEATH

Jesse Verdoes

Before discussing the contemporary perspective on death, some historical origins will need to be outlined first. In his book, Ariès defines three historical stages leading up to today’s attitude.[3] 3 - It should be noted that Ariès elaborates on the Western perspective. However, regarding the context of Mashhad, a comparative study states that the Persian perspectives on death through history followed roughly the same course.                Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974).
Kiarash Aramesh, ‘History of Attitudes toward Death: A Comparative Study between Persian and Western Cultures’, in Journal of Medical Ethics and History of Medicine 9, no. 20 (2016): pp.1–6.
Starting from the Early Middle Ages, he defines the first period as Tamed Death. In this period, people were familiar with the phenomenon as it was regarded as a collective characteristic of the human species and not given any further implication.[4] 4 - He states: ‘In death, man encountered one of the great laws of the species, and had no thought of escaping it or glorifying it. He merely accepted it with just the proper amount of solemnity due to the important thresholds which each generation had to cross.’                                                                                                                   Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p.28.
Death was not theatrical, wild, or feared like nowadays, which explains the term Tamed.[5] 5 - Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p. 14. The second period – One’s Death – started around the 11th and 12th centuries, when the view shifted. Here, the phenomenon became personal as members of society became more aware of their individuality.[6] 6 - One of the phenomena that Ariès derives this conclusion from is the increased use of individual tombs with inscription.                                         Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p. 28, 51.
Moving on to the 19th century, death was slowly given more meaning. It was dramatized and for the first time seen as a break from the ordinary and a transgressive act.[7] 7 - Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), pp. 56-58 People started to mourn excessively, meaning that they had more difficulty accepting the death of another person.[8] 8 - Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p. 68. Ariès thus calls this period Thy Death, as a deviation of the personal relation of the individual to death.

As stated in the introduction, the attitude towards death recently changed dramatically. Ariès presents a period of Forbidden Death, starting from the 1930s and describes it as follows: ‘Death so omnipresent in the past that it was familiar, would be effaced, would disappear. It would become shameful and forbidden’.[9] 9 - Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p. 85. Subsequently, two factors, the social and the spatial, ought to have triggered this shift.

Social

The social factor is related to the negative connotation of death. Due to the prevalence of medicine in society, the focus on extending life – or, as Baudrillard describes it ‘forcing life for life’s sake’ [10] 10 - Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p. 56. – we are collectively denying death. As a consequence, it is now seen as a failure of life. It has become a limitation of our being that we keep on trying to surpass, transforming us into ‘living memorials’ that hide the marks of death.[11] 11 - Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p. 56. The research institute Union of International Associations refers to this shift as the dehumanization of death and evaluates it as a worldwide problem: ‘Grief and mourning are considered abnormal. Dying is a taboo’.[12] 12 - UIA, ‘Dehumanization of Death’, The encyclopaedia of world problems & human potential, 2020, http://encyclopedia.uia.org/en/problem/dehumanization-death. Referring back to Ariès, it is the de-normalisation and oppression of negative emotional expressions that seem to have triggered the change: we feel obliged by modern society to contribute to a – what he calls – collective happiness, and thus rather hide the negative parts of life.[13] 13 - Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p. 94.                                                                                He states: ‘one must avoid – no longer for the sake of the dying person, but for society’s sake, for the sake of those close to the dying person – the disturbance and the overly strong and unbearable emotion caused by the ugliness of dying and by the very presence of death in the midst of a happy life, for it is henceforth given that life is always happy or should always seem to be so.’ (p. 87)

Spatial

The second factor is one of displacement: where formerly people would die at home, they now die in a hospital; distanced from society.[14] 14 - Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present (London: Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd., 1974), p. 87.
In A Social History of Dying, Kellehear links this segregation to the development of cities. As cities grow and modernize, there is an increase in specialization. Processes become more complex, leading to a tendency of managing death: an attempt to ‘control the potential chaos that dying may elicit’.[15] 15 - Allan Kellehear, A Social History of Dying (USA, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 149.
Moreover, it is stated that, due to the medicalization of society, we are not the ones in charge of our end, but it has become managed for us.[16] 16 - Allan Kellehear, A Social History of Dying (USA, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 149. The institutionalization and increased privatization, or in other words, the sequestration of the experience of death is also mentioned by Mellor & Shilling.[17] 17 - Philip A. Mellor and Chris Shilling, ‘Modernity, Self-Identity and the Sequestration of Death’, in: Sociology 27, no. 3 (1993): pp.411–31, quote from p. 411 The spatial separation is explained as a ‘strengthening of boundaries between the living and dying bodies’.[18] 18 - Philip A. Mellor and Chris Shilling, ‘Modernity, Self-Identity and the Sequestration of Death’, in: Sociology 27, no. 3 (1993): 411–31, quote from p. 424. Lastly, the frequent relocation of cemeteries to the outskirts of the city as another form of displacement is explained by Worpole as one of the reasons for the fact that death is hardly tangible in modern cities.[19] 19 - Ken Worpole, Last Landscapes: The Architecture of the Cemetery in the West (UK, London: Reaktion books, 2003), p. 23. In fact, one could argue that the theme of death was never even in the equation when conceiving (the development of) cities. After all, the modern city is built to be productive. It is a place that supports the collective happiness of contemporary society and is mainly constructed for work and leisure. Due to the separation of the territory for the living and the one for the dead or dying, we are less confronted with the phenomenon in our daily lives. As architecture can, according to Bataille, be seen as ‘the expression of the very being of societies, the same way that human physiognomy is the expression of the being of individuals’, it might be valuable to look at this changed perspective in relation to the contemporary architectural discourse, as a continuation of its exile from the city in the realm of urbanism.[20] 20 - George Bataille, ‘Architecture’, in: Rethinking Architecture (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 21–23, quote from p. 21

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